Ahmad ChalabiWhy shouldn't a politician be president of Iraq?
By Chris SuellentropPosted Wednesday, April 9, 2003, at 7:16 PM ET
"I have returned home," Ahmad Chalabi declared today on CNN from the city of Nasiriyah, in a country that he has barely set foot in for more than 40 years. It was a stirring moment and a nice sentiment. But it's more accurate to say that the 58-year-old leader of the Iraqi National Congress finds himself in a place where almost no one knows his name. If Iraq were New Hampshire, Chalabi would be polling somewhere behind Dennis Kucinich and Carol Moseley-Braun. Luckily, Chalabi is running in a democratic primary and not a Democratic one. But perhaps he's learned a lesson during his lifelong project to bring American-style democracy to the Middle East: If Hillary Clinton can be a senator from New York, why can't Ahmad Chalabi be the president of Iraq?
For now, Chalabi denies that he wants to be his country's first democratically elected president. But his statements are something less than Shermanesque. In fact, they sound suspiciously like the carefully crafted formulations that American presidential candidates use when they're pretending not to be presidential candidates. "I'm not a candidate for any position in Iraq, and I don't seek an office," Chalabi told 60 Minutes this past week, echoing a statement he made to the Financial Times last year: "I have no desire or inclination to seek office in Iraq." Chalabi's slipperiness on the subject plays into the hands of his critics, who point out that he's a showman, an operator who was better at using his political skills to garner credit for himself than he was at mounting a serious opposition to Saddam Hussein. Let's assume the critics are right. Their objections raise an obvious question: Since when did that ever stop someone from winning an election?
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It's certainly true that as a military leader, Chalabi was an abject failure. The best anyone can say about him is that he tried hard, and for the right side. From 1993 until 1996, he spent time in Iraq's north, trying to put together an organized, armed resistance to Saddam. His efforts culminated in disaster when a Kurdish faction, the Kurdish Democratic Party, invited Saddam's tanks into Kurdistan to crush their rivals, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, as well as the INC. More than 100 INC officials were executed, and thousands more had to be evacuated by the United States.
By 1998, however, Chalabi had used his formidable lobbying skills to restore the INC's luster in Washington. He helped to win passage of the Iraq Liberation Act, in which Congress endorsed regime change in Iraq and appropriated funding to the INC. Chalabi's plan was to use INC soldiers and U.S. air power to take the cities of Kirkuk, Mosul, and Basra, then pray for Iraqi soldiers to defect and for a popular uprising to begin. In Foreign Affairs, Kenneth Pollack, Daniel Byman, and Gideon Rose dubbed the plan "militarily ludicrous."
It's not clear that Chalabi's forces are any less absurd in 2003. A Financial Times report last week questioned the discipline of the INC troops and described a drunken soldier at the INC's northern headquarters at Dokan; he was "falling over into the gutter, where his plastic bag containing beer and stronger liquor burst open." And according to U.S. News, Chalabi's Free Iraqi Forces, which were recently airlifted by the United States into southern Iraq, are off to an inauspicious start, too. The FIF's first move was to take over some local government offices, only to be told by the British to get out in an hour unless they wanted to be regarded as "hostile forces." U.S. News added that Chalabi's men have not been given any weapons, and their job so far consists mainly of identifying fleeing Baath Party leaders at U.S. checkpoints.
There are other reasons to be suspicious of Chalabi. In 1992, a Jordanian military court convicted him in absentia of bank fraud for allegedly embezzling $70 million from Petra Bank, which Chalabi founded in the 1970s in Amman. Chalabi's supporters argue that he was set up by the Jordanian government because he was helping to fund the opposition to Saddam. But Chalabi's money-management skills didn't necessarily improve over time. According to a State Department report, nearly half of the $4.3 million in U.S. dollars doled out to the INC under the Iraq Liberation Act wasn't properly accounted for. Ultimately, State cut Chalabi off, and the INC's funding was turned over to the Pentagon, where Chalabi has more political allies. Chalabi also reportedly ran through $100 million in CIA money.
Chalabi's military failures, his poor bookkeeping, and his lack of support inside Iraq have led some people at the State Department and the CIA to be skeptical about his prospects. But a more worrisome possibility is that some people inside the United States government don't like Chalabi because he's serious about trying to create an Iraqi democracy. Foreign-policy "realists" may prefer a pro-American dictator who is more interested in security than popular sovereignty. The Iraqi dissident Kanan Makiya said as much in the New York Times Magazine in March: "Some people in the government are talking democratic change," Makiya told the writer George Packer, "and there are other people who think that's all a pile of garbage. These others are in the State Department and the C.I.A. today."
Of course Chalabi should not be imposed on the Iraqi people as their ruler. But there's no reason for the United States not to encourage him in his project to build a real, democratic government inside Iraq. Now that Saddam Hussein has been defeated, Chalabi's military prowess isn't all that relevant, and it's hard to see how allegedly wasting American taxpayer dollars disqualifies him for elective office. If anything, it should qualify him for it. The very attributes that sometimes hurt Chalabi as leader of the Iraqi National Congress—his over-optimistic assessment of his abilities, his penchant for mismanaging other people's money, his failure to always be truthful, and his self-promoting style—sound like virtual prerequisites for higher office in the United States. Chalabi "has been entirely ineffective, except in one area, which is undermining other opposition groups," an anonymous U.S. official told the Philadelphia Inquirer last year. In a war, behavior like that can get you killed. In a democracy, it makes you president.
If you liked this Assessment column, check out Backstabbers, Crazed Geniuses, and Animals We Hate, a collection of our all-time funniest, meanest, sweetest, and weirdest profiles.
Remarks from the Fray:
Saying a penchant for corruption and undermining one's opponents is as good a qualification for a political candidate in Iraq as in the US is like saying irony and ignorance are as useful in foreign policy commentary as they are in analysis of The Simpsons. But never mind that. The Bush administration would save itself a lot of trouble if at some time in the near future it made very clear that several things will have to be done in Iraq before we can start talking about a fully responsible Iraqi government, let alone a democratic one. The security situation will have to be settled, and some kind of mechanism for maintaining public order established; the oil industry's status and future operations will have to be arranged; a de-Saddamizing of the country will have to be at least started; the lifting of economic sanctions and laying down the outlines of a system for raising government revenue will have to be managed. Iraqis can and should participate in all these, but it is unrealistic to think they can run any of them right now -- not when almost all of the Iraqis with governmental experience got it under the Baathists, and when the easiest route to a strong political position is for an Iraqi politician to campaign as the spokesman for his ethnic or religious faction in effective opposition to all the others. This is what Milosevic did in Serbia, and is precisely what we do not want no matter how democratic it is. I am one of those deeply skeptical about the ability of any Arab country to maintain a stable democracy. I would be delighted to be proven wrong, but I won't be in Iraq unless it is clear at the outset that with the creation of democratic institutions there must be an explicit understanding that some choices may not be made. Without such an understanding no democracy has ever endured, and in Iraq the only way to ensure it is to impose it.
--Zathras
(To reply, click here)
I have to agree with Mr. Suellentrop that there is no inherent reason why Mr. Chalabi or any other Iraqi expatriate should not be allowed to vie for leadership of Iraq. The key thing, as he suggests, is that no leader should be imposed on the nation. Nor can I say that I would be anything other than pleased to see Mr. Chalabi or whoever ultimately assumes power in Iraq show both sincerity and vigor in attempting to establish that country as a true democracy. All of the cautions that Mr. Suellentrop raises about Chalabi … concern me but none so than … his expatriate status. Chalabi is really more than an Iraqi expatriate; he is virtually a foreigner in his own homeland. It is almost as though an eighteen-year-old U.S. citizen, disgusted over what he sees as corrupt American culture, flees to Europe only to return forty years later and announce he/she is running for President. Interestingly, they would be in violation of the fourteen year residency requirement prescribed by the Constitution and unable to do so. It almost seems like what is sauce for an American goose ought to be sauce for an Iraqi gander. As I said, his expatriate status does not mean Chalabi should not have a chance to run. He is hardly an exact counterpart of my wayward American. After all, his forty-year exile was hardly voluntary. Still, forty years is a long time to be away from the country you propose to govern and particularly so if you were little more than a youth when you last truly lived there. The U.S. Constitution's requirement for our President to be a natural-born citizen probably arose out of the Founding Fathers' desire to avoid the equivalent of the foreign-born potentates so common in Europe in the Eighteenth Century. It would appear, however, that they felt those who had lived outside the U.S. for an extended period were equally liable to be unduly influenced by foreign ways and ideas. At any rate, they were likely to be unfamiliar with the intricacies U.S. law, society, and culture and many citizens were likely to be distrustful of them. So while Chalabi has the right to run, there may be certain wisdom in withholding undue support/promotion of his efforts…
--The_Bell
(To reply, click here)
When did failure to stand up for ethical and moral beliefs, being able to balance a checkbook, and pragmatic thought have anything to do with politics? A better choice for a candidate can be found than Ahmed Chalabi. He is twenty years removed from any real positive influence in Iraq. His track record has some missing minutes. I would rather that a panel of five leaders coalesce under Coalition Military and United Nations authority for two years. The military authority can slowly be weaned from chairing as citizen representatives learn their jobs and the coalition can determine agenda's first hand. This is now about the Iraqii people. It will eventually be their choice to elect a president. It would harm the process tragically if a man was appointed who began by trying to pad some off shore account with as much dinari as he could shake rattle and roll out of the country. I think Chalabi can be a bad choice if his authority cannot be determined and guided properly by Coalition, AND, United Nations advice. Iraq needs to be democratized from the inside out. Not bring in a roundtable of twenty years removed politicos who haven't shown their mettle for organization and ethical dealings. We can not replace a despotic murderer with a fast talking card shark … Failing now by appointing some half stringed puppet would undermine this entire sacrifice so many have made, on BOTH sides, on ALL sides. It is imperative on the international community to see that this very important process be as unfettered as possible. Iraq MUST be democratized from WITHIN … Say that Chalabi is posted as president of Iraq and inadvertently squanders his authority. The Iraqii people will recognize this and search for someone to attach responsibility to … They would see the US as responsible for installing a man who had not the countries best interests in hand .. It is VERY important that we build Middle Eastern confidence in the US right now. Middle eastern people sort of expect political/ military coup as indicative of political/social change. What is so radical and new is that it is a foreign country doing the changing, NOT A MUSLIM ONE.... That is the sensitive matter. But if America and the Coalition, AND the United Nations can make this work... the benefits will be extraordinary … This can become a bridge that bonds our two distinct civilizations and creates a truly solid relationship. A new platform from which we can cooperate to heal much of the wounds and bloodshed of the region. Arabs are just as fearful and concerned about terrorism as the west... Future trouble must be avoided and can be avoided while creating a free society of native Iraqiis. Which will be a bastion to other Arab states and an influence upon their political arrangements. And it will also temper much fanatical/radical Islamic rhetoric that demonizes the west … They will see and learn at how democracy can work and see it as a viable part of rebuilding their country. That is what nation building is supposed to be about. Isn't it?
--AeitianMahrruull
(To reply, click here)
(4/10)
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Remarks from the Fray:
Saying a penchant for corruption and undermining one's opponents is as good a qualification for a political candidate in Iraq as in the US is like saying irony and ignorance are as useful in foreign policy commentary as they are in analysis of The Simpsons. But never mind that. The Bush administration would save itself a lot of trouble if at some time in the near future it made very clear that several things will have to be done in Iraq before we can start talking about a fully responsible Iraqi government, let alone a democratic one. The security situation will have to be settled, and some kind of mechanism for maintaining public order established; the oil industry's status and future operations will have to be arranged; a de-Saddamizing of the country will have to be at least started; the lifting of economic sanctions and laying down the outlines of a system for raising government revenue will have to be managed. Iraqis can and should participate in all these, but it is unrealistic to think they can run any of them right now -- not when almost all of the Iraqis with governmental experience got it under the Baathists, and when the easiest route to a strong political position is for an Iraqi politician to campaign as the spokesman for his ethnic or religious faction in effective opposition to all the others. This is what Milosevic did in Serbia, and is precisely what we do not want no matter how democratic it is. I am one of those deeply skeptical about the ability of any Arab country to maintain a stable democracy. I would be delighted to be proven wrong, but I won't be in Iraq unless it is clear at the outset that with the creation of democratic institutions there must be an explicit understanding that some choices may not be made. Without such an understanding no democracy has ever endured, and in Iraq the only way to ensure it is to impose it.
--Zathras
(To reply, click here)
I have to agree with Mr. Suellentrop that there is no inherent reason why Mr. Chalabi or any other Iraqi expatriate should not be allowed to vie for leadership of Iraq. The key thing, as he suggests, is that no leader should be imposed on the nation. Nor can I say that I would be anything other than pleased to see Mr. Chalabi or whoever ultimately assumes power in Iraq show both sincerity and vigor in attempting to establish that country as a true democracy. All of the cautions that Mr. Suellentrop raises about Chalabi … concern me but none so than … his expatriate status. Chalabi is really more than an Iraqi expatriate; he is virtually a foreigner in his own homeland. It is almost as though an eighteen-year-old U.S. citizen, disgusted over what he sees as corrupt American culture, flees to Europe only to return forty years later and announce he/she is running for President. Interestingly, they would be in violation of the fourteen year residency requirement prescribed by the Constitution and unable to do so. It almost seems like what is sauce for an American goose ought to be sauce for an Iraqi gander. As I said, his expatriate status does not mean Chalabi should not have a chance to run. He is hardly an exact counterpart of my wayward American. After all, his forty-year exile was hardly voluntary. Still, forty years is a long time to be away from the country you propose to govern and particularly so if you were little more than a youth when you last truly lived there. The U.S. Constitution's requirement for our President to be a natural-born citizen probably arose out of the Founding Fathers' desire to avoid the equivalent of the foreign-born potentates so common in Europe in the Eighteenth Century. It would appear, however, that they felt those who had lived outside the U.S. for an extended period were equally liable to be unduly influenced by foreign ways and ideas. At any rate, they were likely to be unfamiliar with the intricacies U.S. law, society, and culture and many citizens were likely to be distrustful of them. So while Chalabi has the right to run, there may be certain wisdom in withholding undue support/promotion of his efforts…
--The_Bell
(To reply, click here)
When did failure to stand up for ethical and moral beliefs, being able to balance a checkbook, and pragmatic thought have anything to do with politics? A better choice for a candidate can be found than Ahmed Chalabi. He is twenty years removed from any real positive influence in Iraq. His track record has some missing minutes. I would rather that a panel of five leaders coalesce under Coalition Military and United Nations authority for two years. The military authority can slowly be weaned from chairing as citizen representatives learn their jobs and the coalition can determine agenda's first hand. This is now about the Iraqii people. It will eventually be their choice to elect a president. It would harm the process tragically if a man was appointed who began by trying to pad some off shore account with as much dinari as he could shake rattle and roll out of the country. I think Chalabi can be a bad choice if his authority cannot be determined and guided properly by Coalition, AND, United Nations advice. Iraq needs to be democratized from the inside out. Not bring in a roundtable of twenty years removed politicos who haven't shown their mettle for organization and ethical dealings. We can not replace a despotic murderer with a fast talking card shark … Failing now by appointing some half stringed puppet would undermine this entire sacrifice so many have made, on BOTH sides, on ALL sides. It is imperative on the international community to see that this very important process be as unfettered as possible. Iraq MUST be democratized from WITHIN … Say that Chalabi is posted as president of Iraq and inadvertently squanders his authority. The Iraqii people will recognize this and search for someone to attach responsibility to … They would see the US as responsible for installing a man who had not the countries best interests in hand .. It is VERY important that we build Middle Eastern confidence in the US right now. Middle eastern people sort of expect political/ military coup as indicative of political/social change. What is so radical and new is that it is a foreign country doing the changing, NOT A MUSLIM ONE.... That is the sensitive matter. But if America and the Coalition, AND the United Nations can make this work... the benefits will be extraordinary … This can become a bridge that bonds our two distinct civilizations and creates a truly solid relationship. A new platform from which we can cooperate to heal much of the wounds and bloodshed of the region. Arabs are just as fearful and concerned about terrorism as the west... Future trouble must be avoided and can be avoided while creating a free society of native Iraqiis. Which will be a bastion to other Arab states and an influence upon their political arrangements. And it will also temper much fanatical/radical Islamic rhetoric that demonizes the west … They will see and learn at how democracy can work and see it as a viable part of rebuilding their country. That is what nation building is supposed to be about. Isn't it?
--AeitianMahrruull
(To reply, click here)
(4/10)